American Review of Politics
https://journals.shareok.org/arp
<p><em>The American Review of Politics</em> publishes original research on American politics and the American political process.</p>University of Oklahoma Librariesen-USAmerican Review of Politics2374-7781<p dir="ltr"><span>Authors who publish with </span><em>American Review of Politics</em><span> agree to the following terms:</span></p><ol><li dir="ltr"><p dir="ltr"><span>The Author retains copyright in the Work, where the term “Work” shall include all digital objects that may result in subsequent electronic publication or distribution.</span><span><br class="kix-line-break" /></span></p></li><li dir="ltr"><p dir="ltr"><span>Upon acceptance of the Work, the author shall grant to the Publisher the right of first publication of the Work.</span><span><br class="kix-line-break" /></span></p></li><li dir="ltr"><p dir="ltr"><span>The Author shall grant to the Publisher and its agents the nonexclusive perpetual right and license to publish, archive, and make accessible the Work in whole or in part in all forms of media now or hereafter known under a </span><a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/"><span>Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 License</span></a><span> or its equivalent, which, for the avoidance of doubt, allows others to copy, distribute, and transmit the Work under the following conditions:</span></p></li><ol><li dir="ltr"><p dir="ltr"><span>Attribution: other users must attribute the Work in the manner specified by the author as indicated on the journal Web site;</span></p></li><li dir="ltr"><p dir="ltr"><span>Non-Commercial: the materials may not be used for commercial purposes;</span></p></li><li dir="ltr"><p dir="ltr"><span>Share Alike: If you remix, transform, or build upon the material, you must distribute your contributions under the </span><a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/"><span>same license</span></a><span> as the original.</span></p></li></ol></ol><p dir="ltr"><span>with the understanding that the above condition can be waived with permission from the Author and that where the Work or any of its elements is in the public domain under applicable law, that status is in no way affected by the license.</span><span><br class="kix-line-break" /></span></p><ol start="4"><li dir="ltr"><p dir="ltr"><span>The Author is able to enter into separate, additional contractual arrangements for the nonexclusive distribution of the journal's published version of the Work (e.g., post it to an institutional repository or publish it in a book), as long as there is provided in the document an acknowledgement of its initial publication in this journal.</span><span><br class="kix-line-break" /></span></p></li><li dir="ltr"><p dir="ltr"><span>Authors are permitted and encouraged to post online a pre-publication manuscript (but not the Publisher’s final formatted PDF version of the Work) in institutional repositories or on their Websites prior to and during the submission process, as it can lead to productive exchanges, as well as earlier and greater citation of published work (see </span><a href="http://opcit.eprints.org/oacitation-biblio.html"><span>The Effect of Open Access</span></a><span>). Any such posting made before acceptance and publication of the Work shall be updated upon publication to include a reference to the Publisher-assigned DOI (Digital Object Identifier) and a link to the online abstract for the final published Work in the Journal.</span><span><br class="kix-line-break" /></span></p></li><li dir="ltr"><p dir="ltr"><span>Upon Publisher’s request, the Author agrees to furnish promptly to Publisher, at the Author’s own expense, written evidence of the permissions, licenses, and consents for use of third-party material included within the Work, except as determined by Publisher to be covered by the principles of Fair Use.</span><span><br /></span></p></li></ol><ol start="7"><li dir="ltr"><p dir="ltr"><span>The Author represents and warrants that:</span></p></li><ol><li dir="ltr"><p dir="ltr"><span>the Work is the Author’s original work;</span></p></li><li dir="ltr"><p dir="ltr"><span>the Author has not transferred, and will not transfer, exclusive rights in the Work to any third party;</span></p></li><li dir="ltr"><p dir="ltr"><span>the Work is not pending review or under consideration by another publisher;</span></p></li><li dir="ltr"><p dir="ltr"><span>the Work has not previously been published;</span></p></li><li dir="ltr"><p dir="ltr"><span>the Work contains no misrepresentation or infringement of the Work or property of other authors or third parties; and</span></p></li><li dir="ltr"><p dir="ltr"><span>the Work contains no libel, invasion of privacy, or other unlawful matter.</span><span><br class="kix-line-break" /></span></p></li></ol><li dir="ltr"><p dir="ltr"><span>The Author agrees to indemnify and hold Publisher harmless from Author’s breach of the representations and warranties contained in Paragraph 6 above, as well as any claim or proceeding relating to Publisher’s use and publication of any content contained in the Work, including third-party content.</span></p></li></ol>Clearing the Field: How do Presidential Primary Candidates Win Big on Super Tuesday?
https://journals.shareok.org/arp/article/view/987
<p>In presidential primaries, Super Tuesday elections play a significant role in winnowing candidate fields and establishing nomination frontrunners. Despite their importance, scholars know little about why and how candidates win or lose the states comprising these events. This study explores which factors help explain candidate performance in Super Tuesday primaries between 2008 and 2016. Using pooled cross-sectional time-series analysis, the results indicate three key drivers of Super Tuesday success: candidate viability, public attention, and media attention. These findings imply that presidential campaigns continue to be complex electoral events beyond the early primary states and suggest that underdog candidates can still win states under the right conditions. Future research should explore the interrelatedness of these three critical factors.</p>Colin Swearingen
Copyright (c) 2020 Colin Swearingen
2020-12-222020-12-2237212810.15763/issn.2374-779X.2020.37.2.1-28Emotional Voting, Racial Animus and Economic Anxiety in the 2016 Presidential Election
https://journals.shareok.org/arp/article/view/989
<em>In the wake of Donald Trump’s presidential election victory, several competing theories were offered purporting to explain Trump’s appeal to American voters. These included arguments that Trump voters were more prone to hold authoritarian tendencies (Choma 2017); that Trump’s mostly “white working class” voters felt left behind in an increasingly globalized economy; or that Trump voters were attracted to the candidate’s racialized and sexist language (Schaffner et. al 2017). This paper utilizes data from AdSAM, an emotional response survey system, to measure the emotive responses of likely voters toward candidates in the 2016 election. The survey also measured emotional responses towards issues including abortion, immigration, the economy, and the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. The results suggest that the strongest predictors for voting for Trump were negative feelings towards the economy and negative responses to the BLM movement, and emphasizes emotional, rather than cognitive responses as explaining support for Trump.</em>James J. FaheyTracy L. JohnsJ. Robyn GoodmanJon D. MorrisMichael J. Scicchitano
Copyright (c) 2020 James J. Fahey, Tracy L. Johns, J. Robyn Goodman, Jon D. Morris, Michael J. Scicchitano
2020-12-222020-12-22372294710.15763/issn.2374-779X.2020.37.2.29-47A Mix of Motives
https://journals.shareok.org/arp/article/view/1034
<p>Scholarly debates over the nature of political parties and the identity of their principal actors have been hampered by relative inattention to the historical processes of internal party change. This study, drawing on archival sources, interviews, and one of the co-author’s personal experiences, analyzes the Georgia delegate challenge to the 1968 Democratic Convention as a case of internal party conflict generating lasting institutional reform, with implications for existing theories of party development, nominating politics, and democratic representation. In a convention marked by an unusually large number of challenges to state party delegations, the Georgia delegate challenge was unique. There, a conflict between the segregationist regulars and the moderate and liberal Democrats was complicated by an internal division in the latter camp between Hubert Humphrey and Eugene McCarthy supporters. The McCarthy forces’ success in garnering a dominant position within the challenge delegation alienated many of the Georgia movement’s organizers and leaders. The McCarthy campaign's takeover also linked this southern challenge both to the antiwar politics coloring the national nomination fight and to a particular conception of representation that would influence subsequent party reform efforts. In tracing the origins, dynamics, and aftermath of Georgia’s delegate challenge, we show both that group- and candidate-driven efforts together shape party development over time, and that normative ideas concerning representation can play causal roles in party development.</p>Sam RosenfeldNancy Schwartz
Copyright (c) 2020 Sam Rosenfeld, Nancy Schwartz
2020-12-222020-12-22372487010.15763/issn.2374-779X.2020.37.2.48-70Geographic Differences of Individual Views toward the Role of Government
https://journals.shareok.org/arp/article/view/1035
<p>Government, through the provision of public services, plays an integral role in the lives of American citizens. In consequence, public opinion of government involvement has been consistently measured through the use of national surveys in order to better evaluate the public’s reaction to specific public policies. While measuring of aggregate public opinions on government involvement is valuable, there are certainly differences across various groups of Americans. The United States may be divided when it comes to partisanship and ideology, but perhaps there are also significant divisions between Americans based on their geography, or “place”. Using data from the American National Election Survey from 1994-2008, this study examines the differences in opinion on government spending towards public services, welfare programs, and Social Security. Rooted in the idea that different “places” harbor varying degrees of support for the government, I hypothesize that the role of government is viewed differently between urban and rural America, further demonstrating that America experiences an urban-rural division in regard to perceptions of American politics. The findings demonstrate that ideology drives Americans’ support for these specific policies and that “place” can serve as a conditioning effect on the standard ideological view. Specifically, liberals living in rural areas are less supportive of government spending than their liberal counterparts living in more urban areas. Additionally, rural liberals are less supportive of welfare spending; however, are more supportive of Social Security than liberals from urban areas.</p>Daniel Fudge
Copyright (c) 2020 Daniel Fudge
2020-12-222020-12-22372719610.15763/issn.2374-779X.2020.37.2.71-96